Rather, it has focused on how the uses of some drugs, particularly marijuana, have moved from the periphery towards the center of popular youth culture and are a very common feature of the leisure landscape. Drug normalization does not necessarily refer to how the use of drugs among youth has become a day-to-day activity for all young drug users, nor that drug use is a ‘normal’ activity for all youth in general. Originally developed by Howard Parker, Fiona Measham and Judith Aldridge, the normalization thesis rejects explanations of drug use set in the discourse of pathology, and emphasizes instead the value individuals place on the use of illegal drugs, as well as how such drugs are used in the context of pleasure. One concept that espouses this flexibility is the drug normalization thesis. Theories with good explanatory power should be flexible enough to elucidate these distinctions regarding illicit substance use patterns and preferences among youth. ![]() In such cases, difficulty arises in explaining such behaviors in pathological terms ( Young, 1971, 1999). Rather, the use of certain substances may be viewed as routine, common practices. In such cases, drug use does not necessarily negatively impair young peoples’ functions and roles within society, nor do their peers stigmatize such use. For many young people, illegal drug use may be a key leisure activity ( Hunt, Evans & Fares, 2007 Measham, Parker, & Aldridge, 2001 Measham & Shiner, 2009 Rojek, 2000 Sanders, 2006 Soar, Turner, & Parrott, 2006). A second concern with applying these major criminological theories towards substance use is the non-problematic and utilitarian nature of the use of certain illegal drugs for youth. Monitoring the Future Johnston, O'Malley, Bachman, & Schlenberg, 2011). ![]() Evidence suggests that young drug users in the general United States population have polarizing attitudes about various illegal drugs, whereby a hierarchy of acceptable substances has emerged, with marijuana being seen as significantly less harmful and more social than others (e.g. For one, the theories are less clear on why youth use certain illegal drugs, but refrain from using others. However, these theories are unhelpful in explaining at least two things about illicit drug use. Baron, 2004 Lambert, Brown, Phillips, & Ialongo, 2004 Pratt & Cullen, 2000). control theory), have all received support as to why youth use drugs (e.g. Major criminological theories, such as disorganization theory, general strain theory, and the general theory of crime (i.e. Perspectives with good explanatory power should be flexible enough to elucidate these distinctions regarding illicit substance use patterns and preferences. Marijuana, for instance, has remained a staple within gang culture, but the use of other drugs has been heavily stigmatized, especially heroin, methamphetamine, and crack cocaine ( MacKenzie, Hunt, & Joe-Laidler, 2005 Moore, 1978 Taylor, 1990 Waldorf, 1993). ![]() Gang youth, however, have differential attitudes towards the use of various illegal drugs. Qualitative studies focusing specifically on gang members have also noted high frequencies of lifetime rates of use for a variety of illegal substances ( De La Rosa, Rugh, & Rice, 2006 Hagedorn, Torres, & Giglio, 1998 Hunt, Jo-Laidler, & Evans, 2002 Mata et al., 2002 Valdez, Kaplan, & Cepeda, 2006). 1 Evidence from North America and Europe indicates that gang youth, in comparison to their non-gang peers, are more likely to report alcohol and illicit drug use ( Bendixen, Endresen, & Olweus, 2006 Gatti, Tremblay, Vitaro, & McDuff, 2005 Gordon, et al., 2004 Hall, Thornberry, & Lizotte, 2006 Sharp, Aldridge, & Medina, 2006). Gang membership is an indicator of chronic substance use.
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